Blood Witch II: Transitions


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Read more Chilling Adventures of Sabrina season 2 ending explained - everything you need to know after watching. These include the chyme mooshe that forms the transformational or intermediary form between fodder and manure, as well as the doorways and backbones moongo that feature in bridewealth and reproduction.

As substances and conduits that convert and convey horu , chyme, backbones, and doorways afford life, which in Rombo assumes the form of transfers and transformation of life-force. Thus, the pruning of the coffee trees is also delegated to a person with a good arm, who moreover is subject to sexual prohibitions to ensure that the trees grow and bear fruits, which are exclusively sold through the regional cooperative or to agents that operate at the behest of multinational concerns.

Capitalist exchange hence does not have a detrimental or destructive effect on these phenomena. Instead, the movements of horu encompass and include this cash-crop to entail that money itself is an effect of its transfers and transformations. The dynamic is underscored, as the witch places the body part in a cooking-pot and treats it as a foodstuff, or uses it to stir the food on the hearth and handles it as a utensil for converting and preparing comestibles.

Similarly, hiding it in the cooking-hut attic treats the body part like the firewood, which is stored to dry out over the hearth, whose fire it eventually feeds. It also handles the body-part like the beer bananas, which are ripened by the heat mrike and smoke musu of the hearth to enhance their horu. Such bananas darken like the arm described by the priest, but differ from it as they plump up and soften to sometimes nearly liquefy, while the arm shrivelled and shrank as it dried out.

In fact, the use of a body part as a form of foodstuff, firewood, and cooking implement collapses the distinction between means and ends that these transformations and transferals involve and entail, and thereby implodes the world-relations that constitute dwelling and life. This is perhaps most striking in the case of an arm, which no longer yields, pivots, and provides horu that is transformed and transferred through other body parts, but instead is acted upon by another arm and treated as a form of horu.

The witch dismantles the victim and turns one of his or her body parts from a means for converting and conveying horu into an entity that is subject to the same processes. He or she thus turns the victim from a subject that transforms and transfers horu , into an object that is dissolved back into the currents of life-force. Its divertive character was manifest in the dry and thin appearance of the immobile arm that the witch discarded on the doorstep of the church, which contrasts with the mobile and flexible character of a strong and good arm.

It moreover differs from the round form and soft consistency of the beer bananas ripened in the attic, whose shape and character people comment on when they are peeled. Such bananas body forth a capacity for transformation and flow, which diverges from the emaciated and inert quality of the arm the witch discarded.

As the witch turns subjects into objects that are deployed to affect the capacity and being of others, its activities concern existence, in the manner suggested by the epigraph above.


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It is underscored by the fact that these activities engage the means and ends of horu , and thus arise as an alternative within the processes of dwelling and life that afford being. Indeed, the activities of the witch owe their form and existence to dwelling and life, as they too involve and consist of transformations.

Where life assumes the form of flow and transformation, there is an ever-present possibility that these may be transmuted and diverted. Or, in a world where everything is a conversion of something else, life itself is vulnerable to conveyance. As the person consists of multiple means and ends for transformation and transaction, he or she too is also liable to transformation and exchange.

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Crucially, this means that witchcraft is not a reaction to an external imposition or phenomenon, but an internal generation of the form of life in this particular place. Witchcraft hence folds out of dwelling and life, at the same time as its activities enfold the relationships that these processes involve.

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It is an issue pertaining to intimacy and closeness Geschiere ; Myhre : precisely because it unfolds from and redirects the material and practical relationships of dwelling and life that are constitutive of modes of being. In fact, witchcraft constitutes the limit of dwelling and life that is generated by these activities themselves.

The argument above is expanded and deepened by another story from Rombo, which more directly concerns the relationship between witchcraft and Christianity in Rombo. The story pertains to Father Dominic, a Catholic priest from the area who is well known and greatly admired for the development maendeleo he brought to the parish where the witch discarded the arm in During his tenure at that parish, Father Dominic not only enabled an extension of the church, but also refurbished the primary school and created a vocational training college.

According to a story that is frequently rehearsed, his mother performed her witchcraft by means of a snake that she kept in a cooking-pot in the attic, which bore a human face and responded to her calls and communications. She called the snake by rattling the milk gourds by the hearth, which made it slither down an attic-pole. To perform her witchcraft, she fried the snake on a pot-shard over the hearth and scraped off its burned scales, which she either added to food she served her victim or applied to his or her skin.

People describe and mimic how the snake cried like an infant when it was fried, but add that she breastfed the animal and applied msika to its skin to comfort it and make it soft and supple. One day, the mother went to the plains to farm and left her first-born son—Dominic—in charge of the house.

She instructed him to cook eleusine porridge as a midday-meal for his siblings, but emphasized that he was not to add milk or msika to it. At lunch-time, however, his younger siblings nagged Dominic to do just that to make the porridge tastier. At first he refused, but when he relented and picked up a gourd, it rattled against the others to call the snake down from the attic. Seeing the snake, Dominic grabbed a machete and hacked it to pieces, which he proudly showed their mother on her return.

Like the incident involving the witchcraft arm, the case of Father Dominic and his mother concerns conversions and conveyances of life-force by means of different body parts and implements. In contrast to the case above, these acts do not collapse the means and ends of horu , but recombine them in ways that destabilize dwelling and life. The acts do not involve appropriations of body parts, but their redeployment that concern and affect bodily transformations, where the snake acquires human features and attributes, while the witch obtains the ability to harm others.

It creates and involves an animal that undercuts the boundaries between the human and the nonhuman, whose modes of being entail and depend on conversions and conveyances of horu in distinct forms. By contrast, it creates a common mode of being, where life-force is relayed in the same forms between humans and animals.

Accordingly, this uncanny animal replaces or substitutes for the first-born child, who occupies a particular position in Rombo. In fact, these practices mean that the first-born son reproduces his parents, who in turn provide his replacement. Like in the case of the severed arm, it means that the witch sacrifices his or her own offspring for the benefit of saving his or her skin.

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It contrasts with the activities of those who bear children to reproduce their parents and butcher animals to compensate the horu of others. Such people act with others in mind, while the witch acts with herself in mind, as she either nurses an animal to simultaneously replace a child and a parent, or decomposes other persons to transpose the effects of taking their lives onto her children. In either case, it collapses the unfolding relationships of the past and the future to create a present moment, where the singular figure of the witch reigns supreme. The Catholic majority of the area is proud of Father Dominic and tell his story as an epitome of his powers.

He thus acted with an unknown multitude of others in mind, which anticipated his work of bringing development maendeleo to the congregation and the community at large.

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Dominic is therefore an anti-witch, who brings development where the witch destroys it Myhre : — However, his power is also considered an effect of Christianity, which people say bestow the ability to vanquish witchcraft. People hence tell his story to articulate how Christians can usurp evil and redirect destructive forces for good and constructive purposes. It is this dynamic that lends significance and urgency to the events at the church, when people discard witchcraft objects and remedies obtained from healers and diviners.

Such an event is not only an occasion for ridding the community of destructive forces and influences, but a moment where these can be appropriated and turned around for common benefit. Powers that mark the limits of production, reproduction, and consumption are on these occasions folded in and reoriented as forces that enable the extension of dwelling and life in time and space.

Thus, where witchcraft unfolds from dwelling and life, Christianity enfolds witchcraft to afford dwelling and life. It is this dynamic and process that draw large crowds to these events, where people come to participate in Mass and take part in efforts to turn the destructive into something constructive.

It is not discredited as an occult illusion, but excoriated as a means and mode for people to relate to each other and the world they inhabit.

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Like evil, witchcraft is not something that can be overcome or transcended, but an ever-present potential that constitutes the limit of life. Each case confirms how Catholics engage in witchcraft or visit healers, whom the Pentecostalists consider witches in their own right. To them, these stories and events therefore do not concern the immanent power of religion, but rather how Catholicism is not a true form of Christianity. It is corroborated or reinforced by the way in which Catholics butcher animals for the deceased whom they present with shares of meat, beer, and milk on different occasions.

In the eyes of the Pentecostalists and other evangelicals, these acts constitute worship of other deities, in which they refuse to participate. In doing so, they set themselves apart and withdraw from the transfers and transformations of horu that these activities involve, which render them suspect as potential witches in the eyes of Catholics. They hence risk consorting sexually with close relatives and thus to engage in incestuous forms of sexuality, which underscores the suspicions that surround their faith and practices.

It is instructive that the Catholics conceive of Pentecostal practices as a warped or inverted form of sex where horu flows in destructive ways, while the evangelicals conceive of Catholic practices as an anathema that must be castigated and rejected, even if it entails restricting or avoiding interaction and engagement. Both conceptions trace limits of social life, but in different ways that structure their engagements.

To the Catholics, their counterpart is something to be appropriated, encompassed, and turned around, while for the Pentecostalists it is something to be refused, renounced, and denied.

Blood Witch II: Transitions Blood Witch II: Transitions
Blood Witch II: Transitions Blood Witch II: Transitions
Blood Witch II: Transitions Blood Witch II: Transitions
Blood Witch II: Transitions Blood Witch II: Transitions
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